Local Babies, Global Science. Chapters 2 & 3

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Local Babies, Global Science. Chapters 2 & 3 von Mind Map: Local Babies, Global Science. Chapters 2 & 3

1. Mabruka, Egyptian Woman

1.1. From Fayoum.

1.2. Difficulty becoming pregnant.

1.3. Three years of monthly-weekly treatments in Cairo.

1.4. Husband Ragab found not to be the problem.

1.5. Mabruka diagnosed with ovulatory-factor infertility.

1.5.1. "lack of regular ovulation"

1.5.2. Mabruka believes diagnosis = weak ovaries, week eggs, etc. This is a common belief among illiterate egyptians. Her family often doubts she will ever become pregnant.

1.5.3. Intractable, referred to IVF treatment center. Most people afraid of artificial insemination. Not accepted in this oasis community of Mabruka. Dr. Attia sa'a states in his religious opinion that injections from husband are not sinful. Husband does not believe in this treatment. couple also lacks financial means for the treatment.

2. Lack of Knowledge

2.1. Lower class Egyptians lack the knowledge necessary to understand these infertility treatments.

2.2. Infertility treatments considered morally wrong in addition to the lack of knowledge.

2.3. These technologies disrupt natural procreation.

2.4. Western science has not spread easily to some areas despite massive globalization.

2.4.1. Stiff resistance to Western science. Western science is thought to be universal according to westerners.

2.4.2. "Science is both socially and culturally situated--deeply 'influenced by its surroundings'" (Inhorn 61)

2.5. Scientific Literacy definition by Westerners inadequate.

2.5.1. needs to be broadened to include: the existential, metaphysical, moral, political and social knowledge of the people.

2.5.2. Womens views of science shaped by gender, race and other cultural influences.

2.5.3. Egyptians contemplate scientific developments in moral terms.

2.5.4. Mass media an important means for disseminating modern ideology in Egypt. Sometimes promote it, sometimes warn of dangers.

2.5.5. Egyptians taught to seek knowledge through Islam. Leads to the search for infertility solutions.

3. Procreative Knowledge

3.1. Duogenetic inheritance: equal contribution of egg and sperm

3.1.1. Women as egg producers introduces the dugenetic theory to lower class Egyptians. Even with the recognition of the egg sperm relationship, the egg is thought of as "less than half" or little to nothing in contribution to procreation among the lower class. Women are seen even more so as the problem with the recognition of the egg in the process. Female reception of sperm is seen as the reason for infertility problems. Women are blamed for having more severe, intractable infertility problems.

3.2. Monogenetic inheritance: The man is the one that brings life into the world, NOT man and woman.

3.2.1. This is the belief of Egyptians dating back 5,000 years to the time of the Pharaonic period.

3.2.2. Belief in this theory is slowly changing due to increased education of lower class Egyptians.

4. Three Tiered System

4.1. Wealthy

4.1.1. Unfettered access to infertility treatments

4.2. Middle-Class

4.2.1. Less access to infertility treatments

4.3. Lower-Class

4.3.1. Very constrained access to infertility treatments.

4.4. There is a class system in Egypt despite their idea of classes not being recognized.

4.5. Breakdown of the three-tiered system

4.5.1. Destitute (11.2%), Low/poor (10.3%), Low-middle (26.5%), Middle (36.1%), Upper-Middle (15.3%), Upper (1%).

5. The Lower Class

5.1. Lower class women rarely frequent IVF clinics

5.2. Lower class women must sell off their possessions or borrow from relatives to receive treatment at IVF clinics.

5.3. "those who cannot afford reproductive technologies cannot afford children anyways"

5.4. "stratified reproduction"

5.4.1. Elites deserve to reproduce and the poor are despised for trying to reproduce.

6. The Middle Class

6.1. Numbers are growing

6.2. Well represented in IVF clinics

6.2.1. Finances are strained to the limit, but they can afford it if they put all their resources into it.

6.3. Highly educated, but salaries low (esp in the public sector).

6.4. Describe IVF as very costly, financially difficult, and a huge sacrifice.

6.5. In some cases money earned through labor migration to the Arab Gulf states.

6.5.1. Higher paying jobs available.

6.5.2. Routinely return home to Egypt to undertake IVF treatment sense of patriotism They feel Egypt has better, more professional treatment. Concluded it was less expensive in Egypt.

7. The Upper Class

7.1. Test tube baby making perceived as "only for the rich".

7.2. The lower class feels the clinics are only for the wealthy and not even the middle class is included in the exclusion.

7.3. Some women of the upper class are high-class professionals in their own right.

7.4. Some women married into the money.

7.5. Voluntary childlessness is considered a legit option in the West.

7.5.1. In Egypt and many other non-Western cultures motherhood is culturally compulsory.

7.5.2. Motherhood also goes hand in hand with marriage in these cultures.

7.6. Well off Egyptian couples are actually below poverty level by U.S. standards.

7.6.1. Therefore despite being wealthy in Egypt their income may not buy them much on the global IVF stage.

7.6.2. IVF is much more costly in the West. Upper class Egyptians choose to pursue IVF treatments in their home country due to this fact.

7.7. There is a large difference between the middle and upper class in regards to affording repeated IVF treatments.

7.7.1. Many middle class couples (2/3) complain of the high cost of repeated treatments

7.7.2. Most upper class couples state they can afford repeated IVF treatments. Overseas treatment as well if necessary.